高中英语阅读理解10篇
-
Passage One (Clinton Is Right)
President Clinton’s decision on Apr.8
to send
Chinese
Premier
1
Zhu
Rongji packing without an agreement on
China’s entry into the World Trade
Organization seemed to be a
massive
miscalculation. The President took a drubbing from
much of
the press, which had
breathlessly reported that a deal was in the bag.
The Cabinet and
Whit
2
House still
appeared divided, and business
leaders
were characterized as furious over the lost
opportunity. Zhu
charged that Clinton
lacked “the courage” to reach an accord. And
when Clinton later telephoned the angry
Zhu to pledge a renewed
effort at
negotiations
3
,
the gesture was widely
portrayed
4
as a
flip-flop.
In fact, Clinton made the
right decision in holding out for a better
WTO deal. A lot more horse trading is
needed before a final agreement
can be
reached. And without the Administration’s goal of
a
“bullet
-
proof
agreement” that business lobbyists can
enthusiastically
sell to a Republican
Congress, the whole process will end up
in
partisan
5
acrimony that could harm relations with China for
years.
THE HARD PART. Many business
lobbyists, while disappointed
that the
deal was not closed, agree that better terms can
still be had.
And
Treasury
6
Secretary Robert E. Rubin, National Economic
Council
Director
Gene
7
B.
Sperling, Commerce Secretary William M. Daley,
and top trade negotiator Charlene
Barshefsky all advised Clinton that
while the Chinese had made a
remarkable
8
number of
concessions
9
,
“we’re not there yet,” according to
senior
officials.
Negotiating with Zhu over the remaining
issues may be the easy
part. Although
Clinton can signal U.S. approval for China’s entry
into
the WTO himself, he needs Congress
to grant Beijing permanent
most-
favored-nation status as part of a broad trade
accord. And the
temptation for
meddling
10
on
Capital Hill may prove over-whelming.
Zhu had barely landed before Senate
Majority Leader Trent Lott
(R-Miss)
declared himself
skeptical
11
that
China deserved entry into
the WTO. And
Senators Jesse A. Helms (R-N.C.) and Emest F.
Hollings
(D-S. C.) promised to
introduce a bill requiring congressional approval
of any deal.
The hidden
message from these three textile-state
Southerners:
Get more protection for
the U. S. clothing industry. Hoping to smooth
the way, the Administration tried, but
failed, to
budge
12
Zhu on
textiles. Also left in the
lurch
13
: Wall
Street, Hollywood, and Detroit.
Zhu
refused to open up much of the
lucrative
14
Chinese securities
market and insisted
on “cultural”
restrictions
15
on
American movies
and music. He also
blocked efforts to allow U. S.
auto
16
makers
17
to
provide fleet financing.
BIG JOB. Already, business lobbyists
are blanketing Capitol Hill to
presale
any
eventual
18
agr
eement, but what they’ve heard so far isn’t
encouraging. Republicans, including
Lott, say that “the time just isn’t
right” for the deal. Translation:
We’re
determined
19
to
make it look as
if Clinton has
capitulated to the Chinese and is ignoring human,
religious, and
labor
20
rights
violations
21
; the
theft of nuclear-weapons
technology;
and the sale of missile parts to America’s
enemies.
Beijing’s fierce critics
within the Democratic Party, such as Senator
Paul D. Wellstone of Minnesota and
House Minority leader Richard A.
Gephardt of Missouri, won’t help,
either.
Just how tough the
lobbying job on Capitol Hill will be become
clear on Apr. 20, when Rubin lectured
19chief executives on the need
to
discipline their Republican allies. With business
and the White
House still trading
charges over who is responsible for the defeat of
fast-track trade negotiating
legislation in 1997, working together
won’t be easy. And
Republicans—
with a wink
—say
that they’ll
eventually embrace China’s
entry into the WTO as a favor
to
Corporate
22
America.
Though not long before they torture Clinton.
But Zhu is out on a limb, and if
Congress
overdoes
23
the
criticism, he
may be forced by domestic
critics to renege. Business must make this
much dear to both its GOP allies and
the Whit House: This historic deal
is
too important to risk losing to any more partisan
squabbling
1.
The main idea of this passage is
[A]. The Contradiction between the
Democratic Party and the
Republican
Party.
[B]. On China’s
entry
into WTO.
[C]. Clinton was right.
[D]. Business Lobbyists Control Capitol
Hill.
2.
What does the sentence “Also left in
the lurch: Wall Street,
Hollywood,
Detroit” convey?
[A].
Premier Zhu rejected their requirements.
[B]. The three places
overdid
24
criticism.
[C]. They wanted more
protection.
[D]. They are in trouble.
3.
What was
the attitude of the Republican Party toward
China’s
entry into the WTO?
[A].
Contradictory
25
.
[B].
Appreciative
26
.
[C].
Disapproving
27
.
[D]. Detestful.
4.
Who plays the leading part in the deal
in America?
[A]. White House .
[B]. Republicans.
[C]. The Democratic
Party. [D]. Businessmen.
5.
It can
be inferred from the passage that
[A].
America will make concessions.
[B].
America will hold out for a better WTO
[C]. Clinton has the right to signal U.
S. approval for China’s entry.
[D]. Democratic party approve China’s
entr
y into the WTO.
Vocabulary
1.
drubbing
痛打
get/take a drabbing
遭人痛打
2.
flip-
flop=great change suddenly
游说,突然改变
,突然反方向。
人字拖鞋,趾拖鞋
3.
hold
out
维持,保持
hold out
for sth.
故意拖延达成协议以谋求
……
4.
horse
–
trading
精明的讨价还价
5.
bullet-
proof
防弹的
6.
lobby
收买,暗中活动
7.
lobbyist
院外活动集团成员
8.
partisan
党人,帮派,是党派强硬支持者
9.
acrimony
< br>语言
/
态度的刻薄
10.
sell to
说服(某人)接受或采用
11.
meddle
干预
12.
Capitol Hill
美国国会
13.
budge
使稍微移动,改变
14.
lucrative
有利可图的,赚钱的
15.
block
制止
16.
fleet
舰队,船队,车队,机队
17.
blanket
覆盖,妨碍扫兴,扑灭
18.
Capitulate
投降,停止抵抗
19.
fast track
快速行程(轻车熟路)
20.
with a
wink
眼睛一眨,很快的
21.
out on a
limb
孤立无援(尤指争论和意见上)
22.
renege
违约
23.
squabble
争吵
难句译注
1.
President Clinton’s decision on Apr.8
to send Chinese Premier
Zhu Rongji
packing without an agreement…
[
结构分析
] send one
packing
打发人走。
[
参考译文
]
克林顿于
4
月
8
日决定不达成中国加入世贸组织的协议便打发中
国总理朱容基走人。
2.
The
President took a drubbing from much of the press,
which
had breathlessly reported that a
deal was in the bag.
[
结构简析
] in the bag
倒手,囊中之物。
[
参考译文
]
总统遭到许多报界舆论的抨击,
它们曾报道过这桩买卖
(入世
贸)
已是囊中之物。
3.
Zhu
charged that Clinton lacked “the courage” to reach
an
accord.
[
参考译文
]
朱指责克林顿缺乏达成协议的勇气。
4.
the
gesture was widely portrayed as a flip-flop
[
参考译文
]
普遍认为总统的姿态来了一个一百八十度的转弯。
5.
Clinton
made the right decision in holding out for a
better WTO
deal.
[
参考译文
]
总统故意拖延协议以谋取一笔更好的入世贸组织交易的决定完
全正确。
6.
And
without the Administration’s
goal of a “bullet
-proof
agreement” that business lobbyists can
enthusiastically sell to a
Republican
Congress, the whole process will end up in
partisan
acrimony that could harm
relations with China for years.
[
参考译文
]
没有商界院外活动集团成员热情的劝说共和党国会采纳政府目
标中的防弹性(保护性)
协议,那么整个过程将会以党派之间的尖刻的争吵
而结束,这会影响以后多年和中国的关
系。
7.
the Administration tried, but failed,
to budge Zhu on textiles.
[
参考译文
]
美国政府希望
(为纺织业)
铺平道路,
试图使朱在纺织品上让步,
结果失败。
8.
Also
left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, and
Detroit.
[
结构简析
]
这句句子连接上文而说。
Leave sb. In the lurch
固定用法,义:
置某人于困难之中弃之不顾,遗弃某人。
完整句型应该是:
Wall Street, Hollywood and Detrait are also left
in the
lurch.
[
参考译文
]
同样也陷于困境的有华尔街,好莱坞和底特律。
9.
Zhu
refused to open up much of the lucrative Chinese
securities
market and insisted on
“cultural”
restrictions on American
movies
and music. He also blocked
efforts to allow U. S. auto makers to
provide fleet financing.
[
参考译文
]
朱容基总理不允许开放金融股票市场,
坚持对美国电影和音乐作
文化方面的限制规定,不让美国汽车商染指投资汽车。
10.
Translation.
翻译。这是作者为共和党的
“The time isn’t
right”
做注
解
/
解释。
写作方法与文章大意
文章以先声夺人的写作手法:
克林顿不同意中国加入世贸打发朱总理回国
引出
两党(共和党和民主党)矛盾,国会和白宫之相反意见(对比写法)到最终四方
p>
趋向一致来证明总统决定是对的
——
以最好
的价码使美国获得最佳利益为前提
同意中国加入世贸来满足美国商人的要求。
答案祥解
1.
C.
总统是对的。这篇文章摘自
Business Weekly.
文章是从商人的角度
来看待中国加入
W
TO
,他们希望从谈判中获得更多的利益,而克林顿的同
意不同
意的目的和他们相符
——
争取更多利益。这篇就是从四方利益最
终趋
向一致
“
同意中国加入世贸
”
来证明
“
总统结论
正确
”
的中心思想。
第一段指出
Clinton
由打发朱总理回国,不同意
中国入世到一百八十度大转
弯,在电话中愤怒的朱总理表示再次努力协商。内阁和白宫官
员意见分歧,
商人对失去机会火冒三丈。
第二段点出克林顿故意拖延以谋取更多的利益的决定是正确的
——
< br>文章的
主旨句。
商人院外活动集团成员要以
“
政府完美无缺的协议的目标来说服共和
党赞成
p>
/
接受。以免整个过程以党争而告终。
<
/p>
第三,
四段是商业方面的高级官员的代表纷纷却说
Clinton“
当中国作出许多
优惠让步时,美国不
在那里。
”
(意:美国吃亏了现在不要再吃亏了。)克林
顿有权签署赞成中国加入世贸组织,可他需要国会批准北京永久性最惠国作
为扩大贸易协定的组成部分。再说对国会的干预的诱惑力相当大:就在朱踏
上美国本
土时,
参议院多数派领袖
Trent Lott
宣布他对中国是该不该入世持
怀疑态度,而参议院
Te
sse A Helms…
承诺提出一项要求国会批准任何交
易的提案。
第五段讲了朱总理的强硬
立场。第六段又是共和党的反对声,使民主党内站
在北京以便的批评家也无能为力。
p>
最后一段指出:尽管困难重重,这一历史事件太重要了,不能因党
争而冒失
失去机会的危险。
A. <
/p>
民主党和共和党的矛盾。
两党之争见上文译注,
< br>最终还是一致。
B.
论
< br>中国加入世贸组织。文章不是论中国加入而是论美国环绕中国入世贸的种
种。
p>
D.
商人院外活动集团成员控制国会。这在第五段
中提到商人院外
活动集团成员阻挠美国国会事先接受最终协议,但不是主题思想。
2.
A.
朱总理拒绝了他们的要求。见难句译注
< br>9
。
B.
这三个地方批评过头。
C.
他们要求更多的保护。
D.
他们陷入
困境。
3.
A.
矛盾。共和党一开始就反对。什么对中国该不该加入世贸组织持怀疑
态度
。第六段说得更露骨,时间不对。意思是他们想把整个事件看起来好象
克林顿屈从于中国
,
忽视了
“
中国违反人权,宗教权,劳
动权,偷窃核武器技
术,
把导弹组成部件买给美国的敌人
”
等事实。
最后一段共和党一下子又所他
p>
们最终将会接受中国加入世贸组织以表示对整体美国的好感。不管是商人院
< br>外活动集团的作用,还是明确指出重开谈判的重要性。这一历史事件太重要
绝不能
因党争而失去机会。共和党纵然心中不愿,也不得不接受现实。心情
是矛盾的。
B.
赞赏。
C.
不赞成。
D.
厌恶。
4.
D.
商界。第一段中就点出:商界领袖对失去这次机会火冒三
丈。第二段
中提到商界院外活动成员要以实实在在的协议来说服共和党国会,免得以党<
/p>
争告终。
第三段明确指出:
许多商界院外
人士一方面对协议未签定表示失望,
另方面又同意,还会更好的条件。各种和商界直接关
系的高级官员对克林顿
劝说。
第五段
:纺织,金融股票,汽车以至电影等都是商界的要求。朱总理拒绝的
就是商界要求。
p>
第六段提及商界院外活动的成员制止国会事先接受最终协定。
最后一段又是商界使共和党联盟和白宫懂得此事的重要性。
5.
A.
美国将会作出让步,见上面注释。商人是绝对不会放弃中国市场的。
B.
美国会故意拖延以求取得更好的条件。
< br>这一点恐怕不会,
见上文注释。
朱
总理的强硬立场,商人的见解。
C.
克林顿有签署批准中国入世之
权。
D.
民主党赞成中国加入世贸,这两项都是事实。
Passage Two
(Europe’s Gypsies, Are They a Nation?)
The striving of countries in Central
Europe to enter the European
Union may
offer an
unprecedented
1
chance to the continent’s Gypsies
(or Roman) to be recognized as a
nation,
albeit
2
one without a defined
territory. And if
they were to achieve that they might even seek
some
kind of formal
place
—
at least a total
population outnumbers that of
many of
the Union’s present and future
countries. Some experts put
the figure
at 4m-plus; some
proponents
3
of
Gypsy rights go as high as
15m.
Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known
ancestral land to hark
back to. Though
their language is related to Hindi,
their
territorial
4
origins are
misty
5
. Romanian
peasants held them to be
born on the
moon. Other Europeans (wrongly) thought them
migrant
Egyptians, hence the
derivative
6
Gypsy. Most probably they
were
itinerant
7
metal
workers and entertainers who drifted west from
India in the 7th century.
However, since communism in Central
Europe
collapsed
8
a decade
ago, the notion of Romanestan
as a landless nation founded on Gypsy
culture has gained ground. The
International Romany Union, which
says
it stands for 10m Gypsies in more than 30
countries, is fostering
the idea of
“self
-
rallying”
.
It is trying to promote a standard and
written form of the language; it waves
a Gypsy flag (green with a
wheel) when
it lobbies in such places as the United Bations;
and in
July it held a congress in
Prague, The Czech capital. Where President
Vaclav Havel said that Gypsies in his
own country and elsewhere
should have a
better deal.
At the congress a Slovak-
born lawyer, Emil Scuka, was elected
president of the International Tomany
Union. Later this month a
group of
elected Gypsy politicians, including members of
parliament,
mayors and local councilors
from all over Europe (OSCE), to discuss
how to persuade more Gypsies to get
involved in politics.
The International
Romany Union is probably the most
representative of the
outfits
9
that
speak for Gypsies, but that is not
saying a lot. Of the several hundred
delegates who gathered at its
congress,
few were democratically elected; oddly, none came
from
Hungary, whose Gypsies are perhaps
the world’s best organized, with
some
450 Gypsy bodies advising local councils there.
The union did,
however, announce its
ambition to set up a parliament, but how it
would actually be elected was left
undecided.
So far, the European
Commission is
wary
10
of
encouraging
Gypsies to present
themselves as a nation. The might, it is feared,
open a Pandora’s box already containing
Basques, Corsicans and
other awkward
peoples. Besides, acknowledging Gypsies as a
nation
might backfire, just when
several countries, particularly Hungary,
Slovakia and the Czech Republic, are
beginning to treat them better,
in
order to qualify for EU membership. “The EU’s
whole
premise
11
is to
overcome differences, not to highlight
them,” says a nervous
Eurocrat.
But the idea that the Gypsies should
win some kind of special
recognition as
Europe’s largest continent wide minority, and one
with
a terrible history of
persecution
12
, is
catching
13
on .
Gypsies have
suffered many pogroms over
the centuries. In Romania, the country
that still has the largest number of
them (more than 1m), in the 19th
century they were actually enslaved.
Hitler tried to wipe them out,
along
with the Jews.
“Gypsies deserve some
space within European structures,” says
Jan Marinus Wiersma, a Dutchman in the
European Parliament who
suggests that
one of the current
commissioners
14
should be responsible
for Gypsy affairs. Some prominent
Gypsies say they should be more
directly represented, perhaps with a
quota
15
in the
European
Parliament. That, they argue,
might give them a boost. There are
moves afoot to help them to get money
for, among other things, a
Gypsy
university.
One big snag is that
Europe’s Gypsies are, in fact,
extremely
heterogeneous
16
.
They belong to many different, and
often
antagonistic
17
,
clans
18
and
tribes, with no common language or
religion, Their self-proclaimed leaders
have often proved quarrelsome
and
corrupt
19
. Still,
says, Dimitrina Petrova, head of the European
Roma Rights Center in Budapest,
Gypsies’ shared experience of
suffering
entitles them to talk of one nation; their
potential
unity
20
,
she says, stems from “being regarded as
sub
-human by most
majorities
in Europe.”
And
they
have
begun
to
be
a
bit
more
pragmatic.
In
Slovakia
and
Bulgaria,
for
instance,
Gypsy
political
parties
are
trying
to
form
electoral blocks that
could win seats in parliament. In Macedonia, a
Gypsy
party
already
has
some
—
and
even
runs
a
municipality.
Nicholas
Gheorge, an expert on Gypsy affairs at the OSCE,
reckons
that, spread over Central
Europe, there are now about 20 Gypsy MPS
and
mayors,
400-odd
local
councilors,
and
a
growing
number
of
businessmen and intellectuals.
That is far from saying that they have
the people or the cash to forge
a
nation. But, with the Gypsy question on the EU’s
agenda in Central
Europe,
they are making ground.
1.
The Best
Title of this passage is
[A]. Gypsies
Want to Form a Nation. [B]. Are They a
Nation.
[C]. EU Is Afraid of Their
Growth. [C]. They Are a Tribe
2.
Where
are the most probable Gypsy territory origins?
[A]. Most probably they drifted west
from India in the 7th century.
[B].
They are
scattered
21
everywhere in the world.
[C]. Probably,
they stemmed from Central Europe.
[D].
They probably came from the International Romany
Union.
3.
What does the International Romany
lobby for?
[A]. It lobbies for a demand
to be accepted by such international
organizations as EU and UN.
[B]. It lobbies for a post in any
international Romany Union.
[C]. It
lobbies for the right as a nation.
[D].
It lobbies for a place in such international
organizations as the
EU or UN.
4.
Why is
the Europe Commission wary of encouraging Gypsies
to
present themselves as a nation?
[A]. It may open a Pandora’s
Box.
[B]. Encouragement may
lead to some unexpected results.
[C].
It fears that the Basgnes, Corsicans and other
nations seeking
separation may raise
the same demand.
[D]. Gyspsies’ demand
may highlight the difference in the EU.
5.
The big
problem lies in the fact that
[A].
Gypsies belong to different and antagonistic clans
and tribes
without a common language or
religion.
[B]. Their leaders prove
corrupt.
[C].
Their
potential
unity
stems
from
“being
regarded
as
sub-
human”.
[D]. They are a bit more pragmatic.
Vocabulary
1.
albeit
尽管,虽然
2.
outnumber
数字上超过
3.
ethnic
少数民族的成员,种族集团的成员
4.
Hindi
印地语
5.
misty
模糊不清的,朦胧的
6.
derivative
衍生的,派生的
7.
itinerant
逻辑的
8.
Romanesten
说吉普塞语的地方
Romanes
吉普塞语
Stan
地方
9.
outfit
(口)组织,(协同工作)的集体
10.
local
地方(市,镇,县)政务委员会
11.
wary
谨慎的,机警的
12.
backfire
产生出乎意料或事与愿违的结果
13.
highlight
强调
14.
persecution
迫害
15.
catch on
了解,风行
=to become popular
16.
pogrom
大屠杀,集体迫害
17.
commissioner
委员,调查团团员
18.
quota
定量,配额,限额
19.
snag
(尖利突出物,抽丝)潜在的困难
20.
heterogeneous
由不同种类组成的
21.
antagonistic
有效对抗性的,对抗性的
22.
clan
氏族
23.
tribe
部落
24.
pragmatic
务实的,讲究实效的
25.
municipality
城市,镇,区属政府,自治区
26.
Rom
罗姆,即吉普塞人
难句译注
1. Central
Europe
中欧,如本文提及捷克,匈牙利,罗马尼亚等。
2. European Union
欧盟。
3. the EUs
institutions
欧洲机构,如:
European Commission
欧盟委
员会,
European
Council
欧盟理事会,
European
Parliament
欧洲会议,
the Court of
Justic
欧洲法院。
4m=more than 4
million
四百多万。
4.
Unlike
Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to
hark
back to.
[
结构简析
] hark back
to =to mention again or remember an earlier
subject, event, etc.
吉普塞不知其祖
先来自何方,而犹太人在《圣经》中
已阐明了他们的历史。
[
参考译文
]
吉普塞人和犹太人不同,他们没有可以回想起来的已知的祖居
地。
5.
…the
notion
of
Romanestan
as
a
landless
nation
founded
on
Gypsy
culture has gained ground.
[
结构简析
] gain
ground (on)
接近。
[
参考译文
]
作为建立在吉普塞文化基础上的无疆地民族应该有一个说吉普
塞语的地方。这种想法越
来越为人接受。
6. the
International Romany Union
国际吉普塞人联盟。
7.
Vaclav Harel (1936--)
剧作家和人权运动成员,<
/p>
1990
——
1992
< br>为捷
克斯洛伐克的总统,
1993
年后为捷克总统。
8. a Slovak-born
lawyer
斯洛伐克出生的律师,
1992
p>
年捷克斯洛伐克
9.
Organization
for
Security
and
Cooperation
in
Europe
简
称
OSCE
,偶中安全合作条约组织,
成立于
1972
。
10.
nation
一词有民族和国家的含义。这里主要指:民族。因为作为国家
应
有疆土,
但吉普塞人有要求成立国家的想法,
欧盟是国家加入地
方,
不是
民族加入。
11.
electoral block
选举集团
12.
The
might,
it
is
feared,
open
a
Pandora’s
box
already
containing Basques,
Corsicans and other awkward peoples.
[
结构简析
] Pandora’s
box
潘多拉盒子
——
喻种种麻烦事。潘多拉是主神
宙斯命火神用黏土制成的第一个女性。
宙斯命潘多拉带着一个盒子下凡。
潘
多拉私自打
开盒子,
于是里面的疾病,
罪恶等各种祸害全部出来,
散布于世。
这里潘多拉盒子喻里面已有的各种麻烦的民族,
吉普塞加入,
更多了一份麻
烦。
[
参考译文
]
人们担心,若让吉普塞人作为一个民族代表,就会打开了一个
潘多拉盒子,
p>
里面已经装有要独立的西班牙的巴斯克人,
意大利的科西嘉人
和其他难以对付的民族。
写作手法与文章大意
文章以对比手法环绕吉普塞是不是一个民族
/
国
家,可不可以取得合法地位这
一中心而写。
从人口上说,
它的数量超过加入欧盟许多国家,
应在欧盟中一席之
< br>底。但人口分散在各国,他是对抗的部落,还没有共同的语言和信仰。不像犹太
人
,它们没有回归的祖居地。它们成立了国际联盟,也选出了领导,在布鲁塞尔
开设了办事
处,
想成立国会,
但不知如何落实操作,
只是极力游说欧盟和联合国
等组织,
以获得一个合法地位和发
言权。
这是欧盟日程表上一个问题,
但欧盟等
< br>机构又担心,
万一他们取得正式地位,
那些国家中正闹分
离和独立的民族也会提
出同样的要求,就象潘多拉盒子那样,不能打开。
答案祥解
1.
B.
他们是一个民族
/
国家吗?整篇文章环境这一点
而写,
文章一开始就提
出中欧入欧盟的国家会给大陆吉普塞人一
个机会,承认他们是一个民族
——
国家,虽然没有界定的领土(
作为国家,应有领土)。吉普塞人的领袖人物
也指出其人数超过欧盟中许多现在有的和将
来要入盟的国家。他们至少要在
欧盟中有一席之地。第二段提出,吉普塞和犹太人不同,
他们没有可回归的
祖居地。他们的语言属印欧语系。英国人认为他们来自埃及及移民。最
可能
的是七世纪时一些流浪的手工业工人和艺人从印度向西方流移。第三段涉及
一种思想
——
以吉普塞文化为基础的无疆土的吉
普塞民族应有个说话的地
方
—
越来越为
人接受。
国际吉普塞人联盟声称代表
30
多个国家的吉普塞人,
做了几件事:展开自我联合,提出语言标准和书面形式,在联合
国进行游说
活动时挥动吉普塞国旗,在布鲁塞尔设立办事处,六月在捷克首都布拉格召<
/p>
开会议。第四段集中讲到会上选出了联盟主席。一群选出吉普塞的政治家
< br>——
国会议员,市长,地方政务委员再次在布拉格开会,会议由欧洲安全合
作条约组织召集,来讨论如何动员更多的吉普塞人参政。第五段涉及联盟雄
心勃勃的宣布要建立国会,但如何实际操作还未落实。后面主要是外界对吉
普塞的态
度。第六段描述欧盟委员会在吉普塞作为最大的大陆少数民族,历
史上遭到残酷的迫害,
应赢得特别承认。
19
世纪他们横遭奴役,希特勒企
图把它们和犹太人一起消灭。第八段讲了欧洲会议中有人提出吉普塞在欧洲
机构中应有一席之地,还提议一个常务委员负责吉普塞事务。还有行动筹建
建立一所吉普
塞大学。后面两段讲的是困难,第九段点出。最后一段指出,
现在说他们有人有钱可以组
成(国家)为时还早,可是吉普塞是欧盟中日程
表上的一个问题,他们日益接近解决。从
内部,外部情况分析都说明吉普塞
是一个组成国家的民族。
全文
都是环绕它是不是,
该不该承认为民族
/
国家而
写,所以
B
项他们是不是民族
是最佳标题。
A.
吉普塞要想组成
一个国家(民族)。这只是文章涉及到的部分内容,中欧
国
家<
/p>
想
加
入
欧
盟
一
事
可
能
产
生
的
结
果
。
C. <
/p>
欧
盟
害
怕
它
们
成
长。
D.
他们是一个部落。
2.
A.
最可能是在
7
世纪从印度流浪到西方。见第
p>
1
题第二注释。
B.
他们分散在世界各地。
C.
可能他们源于中欧。
D.
他们可能来
自国际吉普塞人联盟。
3.
D.
它们在这些国际组织,如欧盟,联合国中进行活动游说要取得一席之
地。
见第
1
题第一段,三段注释。
A.
它们游说活动欧盟和联合国接受他们的要求。
太抽象。
B.
它们活动
游说在国际机构取得职位。
C.
他们游说作为民族的权利。
4.
C.
它害怕巴斯克人,
科西嘉人和其它要求分裂的民族会提出同样的要求。<
/p>
见难句译注
11
。
A.
它可能会打开潘多拉盒子。此盒子在文章中只是比喻。
B.
鼓励可能
会导致某些意想不到的结果。
D.
吉普塞的要求会加深欧盟分
歧。
B,D
两项不够明确。
5.
A.
吉普塞人属于不同的,而且常常是对抗的民族的部落,还没有共同的
语言
和宗教信仰。
B.
他们领袖很腐败。
C.
他们潜在的团结来自被人看作是低于人类(次
等人)。
D.
他们有点太讲究实效,
B,C,
D
三项不是主要问题。主要问
题是
A.
项。
Passage Three (Method of Scientific
Inquiry
1
)
Why the inductive and mathematical
sciences, after their first
rapid
development at the
culmination
2
of
Greek civilization, advanced
so slowly
for two thousand years
—
and
why in the following two
hundred years
a knowledge of natural and mathematical science
has
accumulated, which so vastly
exceeds all that was
previously
3
known
that these sciences may be justly
regarded as the products of our own
times
—
are
questions which have interested the modern
philosopher
not less than the objects
with which these sciences are more
immediately
conversant
4
. Was
it the employment of a new method of
research, or in the exercise of greater
virtue
5
in the
use of the old
methods, that this
singular modern phenomenon had its origin? Was
the long period one of arrested
development, and is the modern era
one
of normal growth? Or should we ascribe the
characteristics of
both periods to so-
called historical
accidents
—
to the influence
of
conjunctions in circumstances of
which no explanation is possible,
save
in the
omnipotence
6
and
wisdom of a guiding
Providence
7
?
The explanation which has become
commonplace, that the
ancients employed
deduction
8
chiefly
in their scientific
inquiries
9
, while
the moderns employ
induction
10
,
proves to be too narrow, and fails
upon
close examination to point with sufficient
distinctness the
contrast that is
evident between ancient and modern
scientific
doctrines
11
and
inquiries. For all knowledge is founded on
observation, and proceeds from this by
analysis, by synthesis and
analysis, by
induction and deduction, and if possible by
verification, or
by new appeals to
observation under the guidance of
deduction
—
by
steps which are indeed correlative
parts of one method; and the
ancient
sciences afford examples of every one of these
methods, or
parts of one method, which
have been generalized from the examples
of science.
A failure to
employ or to employ adequately any one of these
partial methods, an imperfection in the
arts and resources of
observation and
experiment, carelessness in observation, neglect
of
relevant facts, by appeal to
experiment and
observation
—
these are
the faults which cause all failures to
ascertain
12
truth, whether among
the ancients or
the moderns; but this statement does not explain
why
the modern is
possessed
13
of a
greater virtue, and by what means
he
attained
14
his
superiority. Much less does it explain the sudden
growth of science in recent times.
The attempt to discover the explanation
of this phenomenon in
the
antithesis
15
of “facts” and “theories” or “facts”
and “ideas”—
in the
neglect
among the ancients of the former, and their too
exclusive
attention to the
latter
—
proves also to be too
narrow, as well as open
to the charge
of vagueness. For in the first place, the
antithesis is not
complete. Facts and
theories are not
coordinate
16
species. Theories, if
true, are
facts
—
a particular class of
facts indeed, generally complex,
and if
a logical connection
subsists
17
between their
constituents
18
,
have all the positive attributes of
theories.
Nevertheless, this
distinction, however
inadequate
19
it
may be to
explain the source of true
method in science, is well founded, and
connotes an important character in true
method. A fact is a
proposition of
simple. A theory, on the other hand, if true has
all the
characteristics of a fact,
except that its verification is possible only by
indirect, remote, and difficult means.
To convert theories into facts is
to
add simple verification, and the theory thus
acquires the full
characteristics of a
fact.
1.
The title that best expresses the ideas
of this passage is
[A]. Philosophy of
mathematics. [B]. The Recent Growth
in Science.
[C]. The
Verification of Facts. [C]. Methods
of Scientific
Inquiry.
2.
According to the author, one possible
reason for the growth of
science during
the days of the ancient Greeks and in modern times
is
[A]. the similarity
between the two periods.
[B]. that it
was an act of God.
[C]. that both tried
to develop the inductive method.
[D].
due to the decline of the deductive method.
3.
The
difference between “fact” and “theory”
[A]. is that the latter needs
confirmation
20
.
[B]. rests on the
simplicity
21
of
the former.
[C]. is the difference
between the modern scientists and the
ancient Greeks.
[D]. helps
us to understand the deductive method.
4.
According to the author, mathematics is
[A]. an inductive science.
[B]. in need of simple verification.
[C]. a deductive science.
[D]. based on fact and theory.
5.
The
statement “Theories are facts” may be
called.
[A]. a
metaphor
22
.
[B]. a
paradox
23
.
[C]. an
appraisal
24
of
the inductive and deductive methods.
[D]. a pun.
Vocabulary
1.
inductive
归纳法
induction
n.
归纳法
2.
deductive
演绎法
deduction
n
。演绎法
3.
culmination
到达顶
/
极点
4.
conversant (with)
熟悉的,精通的
5.
exercise
运用,实行,执行仪式
singular
卓越的,非凡的,独一无二的
6.
conjunction
结合,同时发生
7.
omnipotence
全
能,无限权
/
威力
8.
Providence
(大写)指上帝,天道,天令
9.
commonplace
平凡的,陈腐的
10.
inquiry
调查,探究(真理,知识等)
11.
doctrine
教义,学说,讲义
12.
correlative
相互关联的
13.
antithesis
对立面,对偶(修辞学中),对句
14.
coordinate
同等的,并列的
15.
subsist
生存,维持生活
16.
attribute
特征,属性
17.
connote
意味着,含蓄(指词内涵)
难句译注
1.
Why the
inductive and mathematical sciences, after their
first
rapid development at the
culmination of Greek civilization,
advanced so slowly for two thousand
years are questions which
have
interested the modern philosopher not less than
the objects
with which these sciences
are more immediately conversant.
[
结构简析
]
破折号后面的内容(见难句译注
2
)先撇开。这样便于理解,
整
个句子是主谓表结构,
前面一个问题句作主语,
question
后跟一个定语从句,
和
not less than
连接的表语。
[
参考译文
]
为什么归纳发和数学科学,
在希腊文明达到顶点时首先快速发展
后,两千年内进展缓慢,现在哲学家对这个问题的兴趣不亚于对这些科学很
熟悉研究的
对象。
2.
…—
and why in the following
two hundred years a knowledge of
natural and mathematical science has
accumulated, which so
vastly exceeds
all that was previously known that these sciences
may be justly regarded as the products
of our own times
—…
[
参考译文
]
问什么在后来的二百年中自然科学数理科学积累起来,
它们广泛
的超越了过去已知的一切,所以就把这些科学视为我们时代的产品。
3.
arrested
development
停滞发展(被制止了的发展)。
4.
Or
should we ascribe the characteristics of both
periods to
so-called historical
accidents
—
to the influence
of conjunctions in
circumstances of
which no explanation is possible, save in the
omnipotence and wisdom of a guiding
Providence?
[
参考译文
]
或者我们是否应当把两个阶段的特点归因于所谓的历史的偶然
性(意外事件)
——
归因于客观环境中相似(结合)的影响。这一点除非以
指导一切的上帝的智慧和无限权利来解释,否则难以解说清楚。
写作方法与文章大意
这是篇议论文,论及科学探索的方法,总体是因果写法,具体分析又是对比
写法。作者采用问答方式探究为什么希腊文明顶峰之后两千年,科技发展缓慢,
而最近两
百年又迅速发展超越前人,
其原因在哪里?是采用新,
旧方法所
致,
历
史之偶然性,还是上天安排。
然后以现代用归纳法,古代用演绎法太狭隘说明科学总是在观察,实验,检
验,证实中前进。但事实难以解释慢和快的现象。最后以
“
< br>对立
”——
事实和理论
对立古代
重视事实来解释。
然这两者是对立的统一。
真正的理论就是事实
。
事实,
构成之间具逻辑联系,
就具有
理论的一切正面特性。
这种区分虽不足以解释科学
研究中真正方
法,但奠定了良好的基础,含有真正方法中的重要特性。
答案祥解
1.
D.
科学研究
/
探索的方法。
文章一开始就提出问题,
为什么从希腊文化顶
峰时期后两千年
来归纳法和数学科学发展如此缓慢,而后的两百年又超越了
前人,是应用新,旧方法关系
还是其它(见难句译注
1
,
2
)。第二段讲埃
及古代在科学探索中运用了演绎推理法,而现在应用了归
纳法。这种解释太
狭隘,经仔细审核,难以很清晰地点明古代和现代科学教义和探究上明
显的
差别。因为一切知识都基于观察,通过分析,综合,或综合分析,归纳演绎
推理,有可能的话,经过校正或经由演绎指导下再观察而向前推进。第三段
进一步阐明不用这些方法观察,实验;忽略相关事实,推理不慎;不能答出
理论的结论
,再用实验或观察来检验等或用得不全,不论在古代还是现代都
会失败。
但这不能说明为什么现代科学具有较高的功效,
通过什么方式方法,
超越了前人,更不用说说明最近科学突飞猛进的原因。第四,五段涉及事实
和理论的关系。
A.
数学的哲学,文内没有提。
B.
近来科学的发展。
C.
事实的
验证,只是最后两段提及验证方法之作用。
2.
B.
是上天的安排,这是作家在用方法论等失败后得出的结论。见难句译
注<
/p>
4
,第一段最后一句话。
A.
两个阶段的相似性。
.
两者都试图应用归纳法。
D.
由于演绎法
的衰落。
3.
A.
后者需要证实。答案在第四,五段,死段试图在事实的对立面和理论,
或
事实和思想中发现上述现象的解释看起来有饿太狭隘,也会因模糊不清遭
批评。因为,对
立面不全面,事实和理论不是同类的事物。理论,如果是真
正的理论,就是事实
——
一种特殊类别的事实,一般复杂,但仍是事实。而
< br>事实,从词的狭义来说,如果很复杂,如果各成分中存在着逻辑的联系,就
具有理
论的一切主要特征。第五段第二句,事实是一个提议,通过运用知识
的源泉和经验而证实
的提议直接而又简单。而理论,若是真理论,就有事实
的一切特性(除非其证实只能通过
非直接的,遥远的和困难的方式方法),
把理论转成事实必须用简单的核实,理论因此具
有事实的一切特性。
B.
前者简单。
C.
是现代科学家和古希腊的差异。
D.
帮助我
们了解演绎法,三项都不对。
4.
C.
是推理演绎科学,这个问题常识就能回答。
A.
归纳法科学。
B.
需要简单证实。
D.
基于事实和理论。
5.
B.
是一个悖论,见第四,五段注释。
A.
比喻。
C.
对归纳法和演绎法的赞扬。
D.
双关语。
Passage Four (It Is Bush)
On
the 36th day after they had voted, Americans
finally learned
Wednesday who would be
their next president: Governor George W.
Bush of Texas.
Vice
1
President
Al
Gore
2
, his
last realistic avenue for legal
challenge closed by a U. S.
Supreme
3
Court
decision late Tuesday,
planned to end
the contest formally in a televised evening speech
of
perhaps 10 minutes,
advisers
4
said.
They said that Senator Joseph
Lieberman, his vice presidential
running mate, would first make brief
comments. The men would
speak from a
ceremonial
chamber
5
of the
Old Executive office Building,
to the
west of the White House.
The dozens of
political workers and lawyers who had helped lead
Mr. Gore’s
unprecedented
6
fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral
victory in the pivotal state of Florida
were thanked Wednesday and
asked to
stand down.
“The vice president has
directed the recount committee to
suspend activities,” William Daley, the
Gore campaign
chairman, said
in a written statement.
Mr.
Gore
authorized
7
that statement after meeting with his wife,
Tipper, and with top advisers including
Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone
Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush
campaign kept a low profile and moved
gingerly, as if to leave space
for Mr.
Gore to
contemplate
8
his
next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying
and tumultuous process that had
focused
world attention on
sleepless
9
vote
counters across Florida,
and on
courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to
Washington the Texas governor was set
to become the 43d U. S.
president.
The news of Mr. Gore’s plans followed
the longest and most
rancorous dispute
over a U. S. presidential election in more than a
century, one certain to leave scars in
a badly divided country.
It was a
bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr.
Bush
nationwide by some 300000 votes,
but, without Florida, fell short in
the
Electoral College by 271votes to
267
—
the narrowest Electoral
College victory since the turbulent
election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to
be
distressed
10
by what he and many
Democratic
activists
11
felt
was a
partisan
12
decision from the nation’s
highest court.
The 5-to
–
4 decision of the Supreme
Court held, in essence, that
while a
vote recount in Florida could be conducted in
legal and
constitutional fashion, as
Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done
by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to
select their presidential electors.
James
Baker
13
3rd, the
former secretary of state who represented
Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued
a short statement after the U.
S. high
court ruling, saying that the
governor
was “very pleased and
gratified.”
Mr.
Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at
trying to
begin to heal the country’s
deep, aching and
varied
14
divisions. He
then was expected to meet
with congressional leaders,
including
Democrats
15
. Dick
Cheney, Mr. Bush’s
ruing
16
mate, was
meeting with congressmen Wednesday in
Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54,
is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be
only the second son of a president to
follow his father to the White
House,
after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the
early 19th
century.
Mr.
Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his
supporters,
defend his hive-week battle
as an effort to ensure, as a matter of
principle, that every vote be counted,
and call for the nation to join
behind
the new president. He was described by an aide as
“resolved
and resigned.”
While some constitutional experts had
said they believed states
could present
electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court
made
clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back “for
revision” to the Florida court its
order allowing recounts but made clear
that for all practical purposes
the
election was over.
In its unsigned main
opinion, the court declared, “The recount
process, in its features here
described, is inconsistent with the
minimum procedures necessary to protect
the fundamental right of
each
voter.”
That decision, by a
court fractured along
philosophical
17
lines, left
one liberal justice
charging
that the high
court’s
proceedings
18
bore a
political
taint
19
.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an
angry dissent:” Although we
may never
know with complete certainty the identity of the
winner of
this year’s presidential
election, the identity of the loser
is
perfectly
20
clear. It is the nation’s confidence in
the judge as
an
impartial
21
guardian
22
< br>
of the law.”
But at the end of five seemingly
endless weeks, during which the
physical, legal and constitutional
machines of the U. S. election were
pressed and sorely tested in ways
unseen in more than a century, the
system finally produced a result, and
one most Americans appeared
to be
willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an
outward show of
restraint and
aplomb
23
. The
governor’s hopes had risen and fallen so
many times since Election night, and
the legal
warriors
24
of
each side
suffered through so many
dramatic reversals, that there was little
energy left for celebration.
1.
The main idea of this passage is
[A]. Bush’s victory in presidential
election bore a political taint.
[B]. The process of the American
presidential election.
[C]. The Supreme
Court plays a very important part in the
presidential election.
[D].
Gore is distressed.
2.
What does the sentence “as if to leave
space for Mr. Gore to
contemplate his
next step” mean
[A]. Bush
hopes Gore to join his administration.
[B]. Bush hopes Gore to concede defeat
and to support him.
[C]. Bush hopes
Gore to congraduate him.
[D]. Bush
hopes Gore go on fighting with him.
3.
Why
couldn’t Mr. Gore win the presidential election
after he
outpolled Mr. Bush in the
popular vote? Because
[A]. the American
president is
decided
25
by the supreme court’s
decision.
[B].
people can’t directly elect their
president.
[C]. the American
president is elected by a
slate
26
of
presidential
electors.
[D].
the people of each state support Mr. Bush.
4.
What was
the result of the 5
—
4
decision of the supreme court?
[A]. It
was in fact for the vote recount.
[B].
It had nothing to do with the presidential
election.
[C]. It decided the fate of
the winner.
[D]. It was in essence
against the vote recount.
5.
What did the “turbulent election of
1876” imply?
[A]. The
process of presidential election of 2000 was the
same as
that.
[B]. There
were great similarities between the two
presidential
elections (2000 and 1876).
[C]. It was compared to presidential
election of 2000.
[D]. It was given an
example.
Vocabulary
1.
avenue
通向成功
/
获取成功的途径
/
手段
2.
running
mate
竞选伙伴,如作为总统的竞选伙伴,
获胜
后为副总统
3.
pivotal
重要的,枢纽的
4.
gingerly=carefully
小心翼翼地
5.
tumultuous
吵闹的,骚动的,激动的
6.
rancorous
充满仇恨的
7.
elector
总统选举团成员
8.
elector
college
美国选举总统的选举团
9.
leeway
风压差,余地
10.
for all
practical purpose
事实上,实际
11.
fracture
断裂,折断
12.
taint
污点,败坏,感染
13.
dissent
不同意,异议
14.
provisionally
暂时的,临时的
15.
aplomb
镇静,沉着
16.
restraint
抑制,克制,谨慎
难句译注
1. stand
down
退出竞争
/
竞选,辞职
,推出法庭。这里指戈尔感谢这些竞争
支持者后,
就退出竞选。
此短语的对立面是
stand for
竞选。
Ex: to stand
for parliament
竞选国会议员。
2.
The Bush
campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as
if
to leave space for Mr. Gore to
contemplate his next steps.
[
结构简析
] profile
外形,轮廓,外观。
Low profile
低姿态,不出头露面,
不惹人注意。
High
profile
鲜明的姿态。
3.
recount
committee
重新计算选票委员会。
4.
…one
certain to leave scars is a badly divided
country.
[
结构简析
] election
的同位语
one (election) which was
certain
。
Leave
scar
留下伤疤。
[
参考译文
]
人们可以肯定计算问题在这两派分裂的国家上留下伤疤。
5.
It was a
bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr.
Bush
nationwide by some 300000 votes,
but, without Florida, fell short
in the
Electoral College by 271votes to
267
—
the narrowest
Electoral College victory since the
turbulent election of 1876.
[
结构简析
] outpoll
得到的选票超过某人。
Fall short (of)
p>
缺少,不足,达
不到。
Electoral
college
选举团票,
指每一个州人民选出一群人组成选
举团,
由它们直接选举总统。
6.
The
election of 1876
这是指
1876
年
11
月
7
日美国内战时少将,共和党人,俄亥俄州州长卢瑟
福
·
海因斯,
在总统选举结束后,
认为
自己输给民主党人,
纽约州长萨缪尔
·
莱
尔登而安息。可在第二天,因为涉嫌欺骗行为,有争议之州,如佛罗里达,
路易斯安娜,南卡罗莱纳重新计票及诉讼。那一年选举结果争议持续了四个
月的时间。国会因争议,不得不推迟总统就职时间。到第二年,
1877
年
3
月
4
日,
总统就职最后期限的前两天,
国会建立了一个两党联合
选举委员会:
包括八名共和党人和七名民主党人。最后该会把所有争议的选举人票都给了
海因斯。结果以
185
票对莱尔登
p>
184
张选举团票。海因斯多一票当选为美
国第
19
任总统。
2000
年的美国总统选举与
1876
年的很相似。所以句
内
提及。
7. James
Baker 3rd
贝克曾任前共和党总统里根(
Ronald Reagen
p>
)政
府的内阁成员和白宫办公所主任。在小布什父亲的父亲
George Bush
任总
统时又担任过国务
卿(
1989
——
1993
)。这次他是小布什为重新计票问题
在法庭展开斗争的律师代表,
而民主党的律师代表似乎克林顿政府中担任过
国务卿的克里斯托弗
Warren Christopher (1993--
1997)
。
8. Dick
Cheney
切尼是小布什父亲执政时的老臣。他这次出山要以辅弼<
/p>
大臣的资格和经验辅佐朝政。所以报道中提到
he will
act in the Bush
administration as a
president in a corporation while George W.
Bush as the Chairman of the board of
directors.
9.
John Adams
(1735
—
1848),
约翰
p>
·
亚当斯,美国第二任总统
(
1979
——
1801
),
联邦党人,
Federalist,
是起草独立宣言的关键人物。
10.
John
Quincy Adams
(
1767
—
1848
)
美国第六任总统,是上述亚当
斯大儿子。
11.
resolved
and resigned
这里指他的追随者认为戈尔坚定而又顺从(天
命),因为戈尔的演说,一方面感谢他们的支持,五星期来保证每张票都应
计
算的努力是捍卫了原则问题,另一方面也是号召全国支持新总统。
12.
It saw no
such leeway.
美国高等法院认为这是没有成功的多花时间,
金钱的事。和后面句内
for all practical
purpose the election was
over
事实上选举已结束(已成定居),传达了高等法院认为重新计票毫无
作用之义。
p>
13.
That decision, by a court fractured
along philosophical lines, left
one
liberal justice charging that the high court’s
proceedings bore
a political taint.
[
参考译文
]
法院这一裁决割裂了哲学思想,使一位自由派法官(司法官)指
高等法院程序沾上了政
治污点。
14.
But at the end of five seemingly
endless weeks, during which the
physical, legal and constitutional
machines of the U. S. election
were
pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more
than a
century, the system finally
produced a result, and one most
Americans appeared to be willing at
lease provisionally to support.
[
参考译文
]
经过
5
个似乎无休止的星期之后,这个制度总算产生了一个结
果,一个大多数美国人,至少目前能暂时支持的总统。在这五星期内,有形
的,法律的,政体的机器都经受了压力(都很紧张),也经受了一百多年来
没
有见过的这方面的沉重考验。
写作方法和文章大意
这是一篇报导,
其特点先画龙点睛指出中心事实,
Bush
当选,戈尔退出,<
/p>
然后以对比手法写出胜者和败方的处理方法,前者低调,谨慎,似乎宽容,后者
似乎退让,认命,再次选举的经过,特别是最高法院的裁决,决定选举的命运点
出胜败之因(因果写法)。小布什的险胜有点类似
1876
的选举(实例佐证)。
答案祥解
1.
A.
布什在总统选举中获胜沾上了政治污点。整篇文章环绕这一点而写。
文章
一开始就写戈尔在高等法院裁决下退出竞选,再写布什得胜后的低调行
动表示对戈尔的期
望。
仁厚点出
271
——
276
选举团票布什的险胜是和全国
最高法院的欺诈
性裁决有关,这令戈尔痛心疾首,令布什等感恩戴德。最后
集中写了高等法院司法程序沾
上了政治污点,以及当选之布什的后果
——
大
< br>多数美国人似乎暂时会支持。这一切说明布什胜胜不武,而戈尔却是虽败尤
胜。<
/p>
B.
美国总统选举过程,
文章过程的焦点在布什获胜之因,
不单单是过程,
故
B.
项不对。
C.
高等法院在总统选举中起着重要的作用。
其作用是欺诈性裁决,
偏袒布什
获胜,是政治污点,反
映了布什的手段。
D.
戈尔很难受,这是事实,
但不是中心思想。
2.
B.
布什希望戈尔(能退一步)承认失败,并支持他,而戈尔确实是也这
样做
了。所以他的助手称戈尔为
“resolved and
resigned.”
坚决而又顺从
天命的人。至少在他的演讲中号召人们追随新总统。
A.
布什希望戈尔参与他的政府。
C.
布什希望戈尔祝贺他。
D.
布什
希望戈尔继续和他斗下去。
3.
C.
美国的总统由选举团提名选举产生。见难句译注
5
和
6
。