全世界却永远不会忘记。

毋宁说，

倒是我们这些 还活着的

人，

应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们曾在这为之奋斗、

努力推进、

但尚未完成的

事业，

倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务

--< /p>

我们要

从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，

来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身

的事业；

我们要在 这里下定最大的决心，

不让这些烈士的鲜血自流；

我们要使国< /p>

家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生；要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

解释

1) conceive V.

构思，怀孕

2) dedicate to

献身于

3) proposition n.

主张，建议

4) endure,

耐久，忍耐

5) portion n,

一部分

6) consecrate v.

献给

7) hallow v.

使

......

神圣

8) detract v.

转移

9) perish v.

毁灭

简评：

1

，远比

来得 更

有份量，更加凝重。

与

在音韵上也更耐琢磨。

2

，

consecrate

，

hallow

三个动词的连续，恰当的选用：排比的句式，

一气呵成：接连两个

把强调的对象转移到现在活着的 人。

3

全文的最后一个长句包含 着四个由

引导同位语从句，具体说明了

great task remaining before us''

的是什么。

Franklin D. Roosevelt

富兰克林·罗斯福

1933.3.4.

演讲者简介：

罗斯福在

1933

年成为总统当时美国 正陷于世界性的经济危机之中。罗斯福以他

的能力为人民创造就业机会并带去援助。

罗斯福的许多施政观点至今仍是美国治

国方针的一部分。

President Hoover, Mister Chief Justice, my friends:

This

is

a

day

of

national

consecration,

and

I

am

certain

that

on

this

day,

my fellow Americans expect

that on my

induction in the

Presidency I will

address them with a

candor

and

a decision which the present

situation of

our people impels. This

is preeminently the

time to speak

the truth, the

whole

truth,

frankly and

boldly.

Nor

need

we

shrink

from

honestly

facing

the conditions facing our country today. This great nation will endure

as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So first of all, let me

express my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear

itself-nameless,

unreasoning,

unjustified

terror,

which

paralyzes

needed

efforts

to

convert

retreat

into

advance.

In

every

dark

hour

of

our

national

life,

a

leadership

of

frankness

and

vigor

has

met

with

that

understanding

and

support

of

the

people

themselves,

which

is

essential

to

victory.

And

I

am

convinced

that

you

will

again

give

that

support

to

leadership

in

these

critical days.

In

such

a

spirit

on

my

part

and

on

yours,

we

face

our

common

difficulties.

They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to

fantastic levels; taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen;

government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the

means

of

exchange

are

frozen

in

the

currents

of

trade;

the

withered

leaves

of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for

their produce, and the savings of many years and thousands of families

are gone.

More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of

existence, and an equal and great number toil with little return. Only

a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

And

yet,

our

distress

comes

from

no

failure

of

substance,

we

are

stricken

by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers

conquered, because they

believed

and were

not

afraid, we have so

much to

be thankful for. Nature surrounds us with her bounty, and human efforts

have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it

languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily, this is because

the

rulers

of

the

exchange

of

mankind’s

goods

have

failed,

through

their

own

stubbornness

and

their

own

incompetence,

have

admitted

their

failure

and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand

indicted

in

the

court

of

public

opinion,

rejected

by

the

hearts

and

minds

of men.

True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of

an outworn tradition. Faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed

only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which

they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have

resorted

to

exhortation,

pleading

tearfully

for

restored

confidence.

They

only

know

the

rules

of

a

generation

of

self-seekers.

They

have

no

vision,

and when there is no vision, the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of

our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.

A

measure

of

that

restoration

lies

in

the

extent

to

which

we

apply

social

value, more noble than mere monetary profits.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy

of achievement, in the thrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral

stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of

evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they

cost us, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered

on to, but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition

of

the

falsity

of

material

wealth

as

the

standard

of

success

goes

hand

in

hand

with

the

abandonment

of

a

false

belief

that

public

office

and

high

political

position

are

to

be

valued

only

by

the

standards

of

pride

of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to our conduct

in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust

the likeness of callous and selfish wrong-doing. Small wonder that

confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the

sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection and on unselfish

performance. Without them it cannot live.

Restoration

calls,

however,

not

for

changes

in

ethics

alone.

This

nation

is asking for action, and action now.

Our

greatest

primary

task

is

to

put

people

to

work.

This

is

no

unsolvable

problem if we take

it wisely

and

courageously. It can

be accomplished in

part

by

direct

recruiting

by

the

government

itself,

treating

the

task

as

we

would

treat

the

emergency

of

a

war,

but

at

the

same

time,

through

this

employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and

reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of

population

in

our

industrial

centers

and

by

engaging

on

a

national

scale

in a redistribution in an effort to provide better use of the land for

those best fitted for the land.

Yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the

agricultural product and with this the power to purchase the output of

our

cities.

It

can

be

helped

by

preventing

realistically,

the

tragedy

of

the

growing

losses

through

fore

closures

of

our

small

homes

and

our

farms.

It

can

be

helped

by

insistence

that

the

federal,

the

state,

and

the

local

government act forthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically

reduce.

It

can

be

helped

by

the

unifying

of

relief

activities

which

today

are

often

scattered,

uneconomical,

unequal.

It

can

be

helped

by

national

planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and of

communications, and other utilities that have a definitely public

character.

There

are

many

ways

in

which

it

can

be

helped,

but

it

can

never

be helped by merely talking about it. We must act, we must act quickly.

And finally, in our

progress toward

a

resumption of work,

we require two

safeguards against the return of the evils of the old order; there must

be

a

strict

supervision

of

all

banking

and

credits

and

investments;

there

must be an end

to spec

ulation

with other people’s money; and there must

be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon

a new Congress in special session, detailed measures for their

fulfillment,

and

I

shall

seek

the

immediate

assistance

of

the

48

states.

Through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own

national house in order, and making income balance outflow. Our

international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of

time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national

economy.

I

favor

as

a

practical

policy

the

putting

of

first

things

first.

I

shall

spare

no

effort

to

restore

world

trade

by

international

economic

readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that

accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery

is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first

consideration upon the inter-dependence of the various elements in all

parts

of

the

United

States

of

America

–

a

recognition

of

the

old

and

the

permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the

pioneer. It is the way to recovery, it is the immediate way, it is the

strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this nation to the policy

of the good neighbor. The neighbor who resolutely respects himself, and

because he does so, respects the rights of others. The neighbor who

respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in

and with, a world of neighbor.

If

I

read

the

temper

of

our

people

correctly,

we

now

realize

what

we

have

never

realized

before,

our

inter-dependence

on

each

other,

that

we

cannot

merely take, but we must give as well. That if we are to go forward, we

must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrifice for the good

of

a

common

discipline,

because

without

such

discipline,

no

progress

can

be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are all ready and willing

to submit our lives

and

our property

to such

discipline because it

makes

possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to

offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind upon us all,

as

a

sacred

obligation

with

a

unity

of

duty,

hitherto

evoked

only

in

times

of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this

great

army

of

our

people

dedicated

to

a

disciplined

attack

upon

our

common

problems.

Action in this image, action to this end, is feasible under the form of

government which we have inherited from my ancestors. Our constitution

is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meet

extraordinary

needs,

by

changes

in

emphasis

and

arrangements

without

loss

of

a

central

form,

that

is

why

our

constitutional

system

has

proved

itself

the

most

superbly

enduring

political

mechanism

the

modern

world

has

ever

seen. It has met

every stress

of

vast expansion of territory, of foreign

wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

And

it

is

to

be

hoped

that

the

normal

balance

of

executive

and

legislative

authority will be fully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented

task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for

undelay

action

may

call

for

temporary

departure

from

that

normal

balance

of public procedure.

We

face

the

arduous

days

that

lie

before

us

in

the

warm

courage

of

national

unity, in the clearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral

values,

with

the

clean

satisfaction

that

comes

from

the

stern

performance

of duty by old and young alike, we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a

permanent national life.

We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the

United States have not failed. In their need, they have registered a

mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for

discipline,

and

direction

under

leadership,

they

have

made

me

the

present

instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift, I take it.

In this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the

blessings of God, may He protect each and every one of us, may He guide

me in the days to come.

肯尼迪就职演讲

（约翰·肯尼迪）

1961.1.20.

演讲者简介：

约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄，

普利策奖获得者，

五十年代大部分时间时的参议

员。

1960

年

11

月，年仅

43< /p>

岁的他成为美国历史上由选举产生的最年轻的总统。

1963

年

11

月

22

日他在德克萨斯州的达拉斯遇刺身亡，是美国历史上第四位死

于暗杀 者的子弹的总统。

We

observe

today

not

a

victory

of

party,

but

a

celebration

of

freedom.

Symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well

as

change.

For

I

have

sworn

before

you,

and

almighty

God,

the

same

solemn

oath our forbears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the

power

to

abolish

all

forms

of

human

poverty,

and

all

forms

of

human

life.

And

yet,

the

same

revolutionary

beliefs

for

which

our

forbears

fought

are

still at issue around the globe. The belief that the rights of man come

not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare no forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.

Let

the

word

go

forth,

from

this

time

and

place,

to

friend

and

foe

alike,

that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans, born in

this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,

proud of our ancient heritage and unwilling to witness, or permit, the

slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been

committed, and to which we are committed today, at home and around the

world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall

pay any price, bear any burden, meet and hardship, support any friend,

oppose and foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty.

This much we pledge and more.

To those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we

pledge

the

loyalty

of

faithful

friends.

United

there

is

little we

cannot

do,

in

a

host

of

cooperative

ventures.

Divided

there

is

little

we

can

do.

For we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge

our words that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away

merely

to

be

replaced

by

a

far

more

iron

tyranny.

We

shall

not

always

expect

to find them supporting our view, but we shall always hope to find them

strongly

supporting

their

own

freedom,

and

to

remember

that

in

the

past,

those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended

up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe, struggling

to

break

the

bonds

of

mass

misery,

we

pledge

our

best

efforts

to

help

them

help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the

Communists may be doing

it, not because

we seek their

votes, but because

it

is

right.

If

a

free

society

cannot

help

the

many

who

are

poor,

it

cannot

save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge,

to

convert

our

good

words

into

good

deeds,

in

a

new

alliance

for

progress

to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of

poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of

hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them

to

oppose

aggression

or

subversion

anywhere

in

the

Americas.

And

let

every

other

power

know

that

this

hemisphere

intends

to

remain

the

master

of

its

own house.

To

that

world

assembly

of

sovereign

states,

the

United

Nations,

our

last

and best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced

the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it

from becoming merely a form for invective, to strengthen its shield of

the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which it’s written and

run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we

offer not a pledge, but a request ,that both sides begin a new quest for

peace,

before

the

dark

powers

of

destruction

unleashed

by

science

engulf

all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We

dare

not

tempt

them

with

weakness,

for

only

when

our

arms

are

sufficient

beyond doubt, can we be certain beyond doubt, that they will never be

employed.

But

neither

can

two

great

and

powerful

groups

of

nation

take

comfort

from

our present course, both sides over-burdened by the cost of modern

weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom,

and yet both racing

to alter

that

uncertain balance of

terror that stays

the hand of mankind’s final war.

So let us begin anew, remembering on both sides that stability is not a

sign of weakness, and

sincerity is always subject

to proof. Let

us never

negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let

both

sides

explore

what

problems

unite

us,

instead

of

belaboring

those

problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise

proposals,

for

the

inspection

and

control

of

arms,

and

bring

the

absolute

power

to

destroy

other

nations

under

the

absolute

control

of

all

nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its

terrors. Together, let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts,

eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and

commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command

of Isaiah, to undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed go free.

And,

if

a

beachhead

of

cooperation

may

push

back

the

jungle

of

suspicion,

let

both

sides

join

in

creating

a

new

endeavor

not

a

new

balance

of

power,

but a new world of law, where the strong are just, and the weak secured,

and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days, nor will it

be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this

administration,

nor

even

perhaps

in

our

lifetime

on

this

planet.

But let

us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final

success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each

generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its

national loyalty. The graves of young Americans, who answered the call

to service, surround the globe.

Now

the

trumpet

summons

us

again,

not

as

a

call

to

bear

arms,

though

arms

we need, not as a call to battle, though in battle we are, but a call to

bear the burden of a long, twilight struggle, year in and year out,

rejoicing

in

hope,

patient

in

tribulation,

a

struggle

against

the

common

enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies, a grand and global alliance, north

and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all

mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In

the

long

history

of

the

world,

only

a

few

generations

have

been

granted

the

role

of

defending

freedom

in

its

hour

of

maximum

danger.

I

do

not

shrink

from this responsibility, I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us

would

exchange

places

with

any

other

people,

or

any

other

generation.

The

energy, the faith, the devotion, which we bring to this endeavor, will

light our country and all who serve it, and the glow from that fire can

truly light the world.

And

so

my

fellow

Americans,

ask

not

what

your

country

can

do

for

you,

ask

what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you,

but what together we can do for the freedom of men.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America, or citizens of the world,

ask of us here, the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which

we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history

the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love,

asking His blessing and

His help, but

knowing that here

on earth, God’s

work must truly be our own.

George Walker Bush (1946-)

Facts

Years as President:

2001-

Party affiliation:

Republican

Schools:

Yale University, Harvard University

Occupations

before

President:

Owner

of

oil

and

gas business, Governor of Texas

Did you know:

The first Texas governor to be

elected to two four-year terms

提示一：

布什标榜自己是自由贸易的代言人，

他还将在演讲时强调美国在世界上

的作用。

提示二：布什总是喜欢在别人面前表 现得直率和规矩。布什继承了他

(

克林顿

)

较为吸引人的淘气的一面。

提示 三：小布什在多次挫折中学会了冷静和忍耐。他的生活座右铭是

船到桥头

自然直

。

小布什与副总统戈尔的竞选 大战，

经过几次的重新点票，

几番波折，

终于由

小布什以微弱的票数胜出。

这让世人见识了美国的民主 ，

美国的总统选举，

因此

布什在开篇就 提到。小布什

2000

年竞选的胜利没有明显的优势，他的形象 也并

不受欢迎。

但他讲话错误百出的问题在就职演讲中收敛了很 多，

他的谦卑也是有

目共睹的。

英文

Presidential Inauguration Speech

Delivered

on

January

20,

2001

I

thank

you

all.

Chief

Justice

Renquist,

President

Carter,

President

Bush, President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens:

The

peaceful

transfer

of

authority

is

rare

in

history,

yet

common

in

our country. with a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new

beginnings.

I am honored and humbled to stand here where so many of America's

leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.

We

have

a

place,

all

of

us,

in

a

long story

A

story

we

continued,

but

whose

end

we

will

not

see.

It

is

a

story

of

a

new

world

that

became

a

friend

and liberator of the old. A story of a slave holding society that became

a servant of freedom. It is the American story. A story of flawed and

1)fallible

people, united across the generations by grand and enduring

ideals.

The

grandest

of

these

ideals

is

an

2)unfolding

American

promise

that

everyone

belongs,

that

everyone

deserves

a

chance,

that

no

insignificant

person

was

ever

born.

Americans

are

called

to

3)enact

this

promise

in

our

lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted and

sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.

I

will

live

and

lead

by

these

principles,

to

advance

my

4)convictions

with

5)civility,

to

pursue

the

public

interest

with

courage,

to

speak

for

greater

justice

and

6)compassion

,

to

call

for

responsibility,

and

try

to

live

it

as

well.

In

all

these

ways,

I

will

bring

the

values

of

our

history

to the care of our times.

What you do is as important as any- thing government does. I ask you

to

seek

a

common

good

beyond

your

comfort,

to

defend

needed

reforms

against

easy attacks, to serve your nation beginning with your neighbor. I ask

you to be citizens; citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects;

responsible citizens building communities of service and a nation of

character.

Americans

are

generous

and

strong

and

7)decent

not

because

we

believe

in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this

spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it.

When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.

After the

8)Declaration

of Independence was signed, Virginian

statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson. We know the race is not

to

the

swift,

nor

the

battle

to

the

strong.

Do

you

not

think

an

angel

rides

in the whirlwind and directs this storm? Much time has passed since

Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes

9)accumulate

.

But

the

themes

of

this

day,

he

would

know;

our

nation's

grand

story of courage, and its simple dream of

10)dignity

.

Never

tiring,

never

yielding,

never

finishing.

We

renew

that

purpose

today, to make our

country more

just

and generous, to affirm the dignity

of

our

lives,

and

every

life.

This

work

continues.

The

story

goes

on.

And

an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.

God bless you all and God bless America!

中文

布什总统就职演说

发表于

2 001

年

1

月

20

日

谢谢大家

!

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官、 卡特总统、布什总统、克林顿总统、

尊敬的来宾、同胞们：

这次政权的和平过渡在历史上是罕 见的，

但在美国是平常的。

·我们以朴素

的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统，同时开始了新的历程。

站 在这里，我既觉得荣幸，也觉得谦卑。在我之前，有许多美国领导人从这里起

步；在我之 后，也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。

在美国悠久的历史中，

我们每个人都 有自己的位置。

我们还在继续推动着历

史前进，

但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。

这是一部美国成为友好使者和旧社会解